Post LTTE Tamil Diaspora

LTTE fundraising, collecting personal data of individuals and holding grandiose LTTE functions are things of the past. Diaspora Tamils are sleeping without the fear of LTTE fund raisers knocking at the doors to press for funds for the movement.
by Rajasingham Jayadevan 

(September 26, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) With the end of the arms struggle of the LTTE in May 2009, the Tamil Diaspora is going though rapid transformation. Fear of reprisals from the LTTE has disappeared from the mindset of the Tamil people. Irrespective of their political believes, people are talking sensibly and the authoritarian dictates of those loyal to the LTTE is fast disappearing. Intolerant comments of branding those critical of the LTTE as traitors and publishing framed stories about individuals is vanishing from the scene. Those who were instrumental in furthering this degrading culture too have found their quiet sanctuary by altogether giving up their sadistic campaign.

Following the death of the LTTE leader Prabakaran, what the Diaspora has seen is the fragmentation of the LTTE structures. Internecine quarrels have disjointed the LTTE machinery in the Diaspora altogether. Overall, conducive climate is prevailing for everyone to carryon with their affairs without the fear of interference or intimidations.

LTTE fundraising, collecting personal data of individuals and holding grandiose LTTE functions are things of the past. Diaspora Tamils are sleeping without the fear of LTTE fund raisers knocking at the doors to press for funds for the movement.

Those who control the remaining wealth of the LTTE are the ones attempting to take control of the functions of what is left of the LTTE structures in the Diaspora. But unfortunately, there is no coherent strategy or principled approach by this section to advance a political cause or even to continue with the arms struggle in Sri Lanka. Their conduct is critically discussed amongst the Diaspora community and even some of the frustrated hardcore supporters are questioning the modus operandi of these elements and also openly discussing the failures of the LTTE for it to be defeated at the end.

The general comment of a disgruntled LTTE supporter at a function I attended recently sums up the concerns of the frustrated LTTE activists. He asked me ‘what are these fellows doing with the remaining funds of the LTTE?’ They also question the financial circumstances of these resourceful stakeholders of the LTTE funds. None of these stakeholders has sought employment following the end of the LTTE’s defeat and are living on the funds held by them. There is also anger within the frustrated LTTE supporters that funds held by the controlling interests did not reach the troubled LTTE men in financial difficulties post end of the war and eventually them being caught by the government forces.


"My inquiries with the LTTE circles authoritatively confirmed that Nediyavan is no longer in Norway. Under pressure from the Norweigian authorities, he has left the country and is living somewhere in a European country and is only accessible to his immediate contacts."
There is also serious concern that remaining LTTE funds are not used for political campaign work and is only protected to promote the self interest of the few.

As the Tigers began losing the civil war, LTTE’s Veerakulasingham Manivannan also known as Castro, consolidated all the LTTE's diaspora management under Perinpanayagam Sivaparan known by his nom de guerre Nediyavan – the Tall Man. Following questionable association of Shanmugam Kumaran Tharmalingam (alias Selvarasa Pathmanathan, Kumaran Pathmanathan or simply KP) with the Sri Lanka government, Nediyavan took the upper hand and he is backed by the TRO’s K P Reggie, ROOT Ravi and many other hardcore local heads of the LTTE in the UK. This group is attempting to assert its authority, but due to their inability to adapt to the changing situations affecting the people in Vanni and the Diaspora, they are encountering further frictions within.

The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) which was founded soon after the defeat of the LTTE that had the backing of KP before he moved to Sri Lanka under suspicious circumstances is facing undue pressures from the hardcore Nediyavan group. This group too has been infiltrated and functionaries are facing relentless troubles from some elements that have crept into the TGTE from Nediyavan’s camp.

Compared to Nediyavan’s group, TGTE is taking the democratic path and engaging with the people to promote their cause democratically. Even the election they had for office bearers in the UK was interfered by the Nediyavan group causing much furore in the Tamil media.

On the investment front, the Nediyavan front is abandoning their loss making ventures, causing considerable problems for those who had offered their names as custodians of properties bought on commercial finance in their names. Some of them are facing bankruptcy petitions as a result and are in the process of loosing their own personal wealth.

A serious infighting has started recently within the Nediyavan faction in the UK. The internal strife is causing disintegration of the Nediyavan faction. Whilst Nediyavan is supported by some of the heavyweights of the LTTE in the Diaspora, mudslinging campaign started by a disgruntled section within is causing considerable embarrassment for the group. The rival faction has taken control of the Karuppu (black) website of the Nediyavan faction. UK based TRO Reggie is facing the brunt of the criticism from this rebelling group. He has been branded as an agent of India after clandestinely recording a telephone conversation with him.

Factional infighting and divided loyalties have reduced the LTTE to a weaker organisation. LTTE’s Tamilnet operated from Norway is said to be controlled by Nediyavan group. LTTE’s ideologue, the Late Anton Balasingam’s helper Jeyachandran well known as Jeya has taken control of the website and is widely accused of contributing towards the ongoing fragmentation of the LTTE in the Diaspora. He is accused of carring out a systematic campaign against those opposed to Nediyavan group.

Whilst I was writing this piece, I made my own inquiries about the whereabouts of Nediyavan. He is someone whom I know personally. He interviewed me before the LTTE took me into captivity in January 2005. During our conversation in the Vanni jungle, he made a threatening comment that no one other than the LTTE should do any political, social or public work in the Diaspora without the permission of the LTTE.

He said ‘we are not all worried about the proscription of the LTTE in the UK. We know how to overcome it by taking control of all the Tamil organisations in the UK. When we do this, the terrorism act will become irrelevant to us’. His authoritarian comment and the effort of Nediyavan’s head Castro to take control of the temple I founded (i.e., Eelapatheeswarar Aalayam) whilst holding me in captivity confirms Nediyavan’s mission to take control of Tamil organisations in the Diaspora. Neither he nor his group will be allowed to play a pivotal role in the ever changing atmosphere for the Tamils in the future. He himself is facing difficulties in staying in one place and whilst his operations remain clandestine he can only be a nuisance than an icon to spearhead a campaign.

My inquiries with the LTTE circles authoritatively confirmed that Nediyavan is no longer in Norway. Under pressure from the Norweigian authorities, he has left the country and is living somewhere in a European country and is only accessible to his immediate contacts.

Even part of the LTTE satellite radio station International Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) which also covers its services through the medium wave Spectrum Radio for few hours in the evenings has to handover the part ownership to a private businessman due to severe financial difficulties. The radio’s satellite wing is now taken over by the owner of Sakthi Property Services in London.

According to information, LTTE’s head of fund raising in the UK Rupert Soosaipillai known as Thanam has taken control of the Spectrum medium wave and have named it ‘Tamil 24’ with help of the founder of the IBC radio Thasicious Master for the Nediyavan faction.

With the competition high for the Tamil TV stations, the influence of Sri Lankan Tamil owned TV stations are dwindling. The one time LTTE influenced Deepam TV has lost grounds to the competing south Indian Sun TV and the Kalaignar TV. Even the transformed GTV of the former TTN of the LTTE is attracting lesser viewers despite being operated without any subscriptions. Its political discussion programmes are coming under severe criticism for discharging the old and failed mission of the arms struggle.

Even the pro LTTE body British Tamil Forum (BTF) is adapting non violent campaign whilst infighting and purging of activists are rife in the group. This group is claimed to be friendlier with Nediyavan’s group than the Transnational Government. They too have changed their stance to inform the public about their campaign work unlike before when they confined their activities within their close circle and made public statements only after their political campaign work has concluded.

What is clearly seen in the Diaspora community is total detachment of engagement between Tamils and Sinhalese communities. With the progressively failing Foreign Missions of Sri Lanka due to political appointments by the GoSL, the situation has become much worse for any relationship to develop in the near future. It is expected that this situation will worsen when military officials are appointed to Sri Lanka High Commission in London. The Sri Lanka Foreign Missions have their cosy alliance with the extremist Jathika mindset Sinhala groups for many years. They have become the umbilical codes of the foreign missions who feed them with propped up ground situations about the Diaspora Tamils.

In London, one can bump on to High Commission backed persons at any broad based public meetings or rarely occurring TV interviews. These elements will admit that they are being nominated by the Sri Lanka High Commission to participate. All what they propup are the anti-Tamil statements that are far from the reality. When LTTE fund raising activities are not taking place, they will assert it is still continuing. One prominent member of the ultra-Sinhala group backed by the High Commision in London went on to claim that Tamil terrorism started way back when G G Ponnambalam claimed 50:50 for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The very same associate of the High Commission has produced a video recording highly critical of the Tamils and claims that the soldiers killed in the bomb blast in Jaffna that sparked the July 1983 anti-Tamil violence were brutalised by the Tigers by their bodies being chopped into pieces.

The comments of these elements are seen as the official position of the GoSL, and these elements are exclusively promoted by the foreign missions. Sadly, the information fed to the Foreign Office in Colombo with the help of these extremist campaigners contributes towards the formulation of the government policy towards the Diaspora Tamils. Activities of the few or non existent actions are unduly spread to damage the collective Diaspora.

The Diaspora is the product of the failures of Sri Lanka to accommodate the Tamils and until such time a durable process is honestly undertaken to resolve the root causes of the problems faced by them, the GoSL will not win their hearts and minds and they will be always be thorn in the flesh of the government. Without the farsighted approach, GoSL will not subdue the will of the Diaspora Tamils.

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